By E. Morawska
This book proposes a brand new theoretical framework for the learn of immigration. It examines 4 significant matters informing present sociological reports of immigration: mechanisms and results of foreign migration, approaches of immigrants' assimilation and transnational engagements, and the variation styles of the second one iteration.
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Extra resources for A Sociology of Immigration: (Re)Making Multifaceted America
Example text
Several countries, especially in the eastern parts of the Continent, struggled to gain (or regain) state-national sovereignty. 7 Paradoxically, it was only after they came to America and began to create organized immigrant networks for assistance and self-expression and establish group boundaries as they encountered an often hostile environment that these immigrants developed modern, translocal national identities. The idea of the home-country Fatherland as promulgated by the cultural elites of the then either stateless or recently politically unified origin-nations of immigrants and emulated by immigrant secular and religious leaders, foreign-language newspapers,8 and (parochial) school textbooks in (im)migrant settlements defined the nation as the primordial, The Experience of Old and New Immigrants 25 encompassing symbolic community and nationalism and national identity as a moral imperative and the exclusive loyalty.
Contemporary immigrants classified as black cannot escape their ascription to the second-class group of Americans. In contrast, turn-of-the-twentieth-century immigrants and their offspring—the “dark Caucasoids” according to the mainstream American media—could and did “become white” through cultural Americanization (such as losing their accents, often anglicizing their names, and generally assuming mainstream American lifestyles) and gradual upward mobility into the middle socioeconomic strata. A combination of economic, political, and cultural features of the present-day American society (public declarations of egalitarian pluralism as the societal principle, non-white immigrants’ disproportional entrapment in the underclass of the host-society postindustrial economy, and the inescapability of their color in the accustomed cultural constructions of group membership by the natives) has contributed to the emergence of the ethnic-resilient mode of assimilation.
Several countries, especially in the eastern parts of the Continent, struggled to gain (or regain) state-national sovereignty. 7 Paradoxically, it was only after they came to America and began to create organized immigrant networks for assistance and self-expression and establish group boundaries as they encountered an often hostile environment that these immigrants developed modern, translocal national identities. The idea of the home-country Fatherland as promulgated by the cultural elites of the then either stateless or recently politically unified origin-nations of immigrants and emulated by immigrant secular and religious leaders, foreign-language newspapers,8 and (parochial) school textbooks in (im)migrant settlements defined the nation as the primordial, The Experience of Old and New Immigrants 25 encompassing symbolic community and nationalism and national identity as a moral imperative and the exclusive loyalty.
