By Michael K. Middleton
The implications of part a century of intensified tactics of neoliberal
globalization announce themselves in growing to be inequalities in prosperous facilities of world
trade and in impoverished websites populated by means of exploited groups and assets.
Political upheavals, social marginalizations, and monetary insecurities brought via
these mess ups in either the worldwide South and the worldwide North represent a tenuous
common floor among varied collectivities of fight.
This dissertation takes this capability universal floor among disparate
communities marginalized by way of neoliberalism as a terrain on which to discover attainable
solidarities among those ‘singularities of struggle.’ It asks how neighborhood struggles waged via
communities within the international North and worldwide South contest and stay clear of the stipulations of
neoliberalism, and what sorts of political identification, collective identifications, and
micropolitical energy are invented in those struggles.
To solution those questions, Deleuze and Guattari’s “State-form” and “war-machine” are mobilized as severe instruments for conceptualizing how neoliberalism
universalist assumptions are manifested in singular occasions. specific recognition is
given to the universally-singular expressions of fabric poverty, differential inclusion,
and subordination wrought by means of neoliberal globalization, and the demanding situations those
conditions create for theorizing universal topoi of oppositional discourse, together with
identity, collectivity, and gear.
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Additional info for Becoming War-Machines: Neoliberalism, Critical Politics and Singularities of Struggle
6). For Deleuze and Guattari, these constraints are interruptions, or breaks, in local communities’ singular flows of desiring-production. (Desiring-production describes the non-coded flows of desire, those productive desires that do not enter into neoliberalism’s machine, but rather that pursue lines of flight. ). Interrupting these local communities desiring-production “has nothing to do with ideology. There is no ideology and never has been” (Deleuze and Guattari 1980/1987, 4). Instead, neoliberalism’s machinic assemblage “draws its social power 49 from the political and economic power of those whose interests it expresses” (Bourdieu 1998, para.
If these are indeed the two possible paths, I am following the latter, the path that Harvey contends leads to the “urgent theoretical and practical task” of identifying “organic link[s] between these different movements” of resistance (Harvey 2005, 203). ” As the Zapatistas and homeless activists I study and learn from demonstrate, “sometimes the most globally significant movements are those that are most intensely grounded in local and regional concerns” because often, “‘global reach depends on local rootedness’” (Amster 2008, 222).
For example, increasing rates of incarceration that paralleled growing rates of unemployment during the second half of the twentieth century are reflective of the coercive ways neoliberal 45 states create checks against collective opposition born of increasing levels of poverty. For neoliberalism, collective action demonstrates an imperfection in the system of competition valorized by its commitment to the individual. Accordingly, consideration of collective responsibilities or systemically inequitable relations of economic, political, or social power fall on deaf ears within a neoliberal logic.
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