By John Norris
If Europe, Russia, and overseas our bodies comparable to the U.N. and NATO prove enjoying a extra well-liked position in Iraq's quick destiny, all events, together with the us, might do good to revisit the teachings discovered throughout the U.S.-led battle in Kosovo in 1999. As a war of words over Kosovo's ultimate push for independence looms, this booklet bargains seminal perception into the negotiations that came about among the U.S. and Russia that allows you to set the phrases for finishing the clash. This examine in brinksmanship and deception is a necessary history for somebody attempting to comprehend Russia's uneasy family members with the West.America's dating with Russia has turn into more and more vital as Washington has engaged Moscow as a serious, yet usually prickly, best friend within the battle on terror. From smoky late-night classes at dachas outdoors of Moscow to conferences within the White apartment state of affairs Room, Norris captures the texture of a struggle that again and again threatened to spin uncontrolled. He deals a brilliant portrait of a few of the larger-than-life characters excited about the clash, together with U.S. president invoice Clinton, common Wesley Clark, Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, and Russian president Boris Yeltsin. New details comprises behind the curtain efforts to open an immediate negotiating channel among Milosevic and Washington on the top of the clash. The ebook reaches a dramatic crescendo opposed to the backdrop of the war's ultimate days, whilst Russia unleashed a mystery plan to push its forces into Kosovo, prior to NATO peacekeepers.
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Additional resources for Collision Course: NATO, Russia, and Kosovo
The Russians had approached the Rambouillet talks with a Cold War mind-set, hoping to pit the Allies against each other to produce a stalemate. Prime Minister Primakov had whipped up the military, intelligence, and foreign policy elites in Moscow for a showdown between Milosevic and the West rather than brokering a reasonable deal. A White House official bemoaned Moscow's approach, "The Russian foreign ministry was chronically nonconstructive. . " All of Russia's worst strategic fears converged in Kosovo.
For Albright, the scrappy, first-woman secretary of state, Milosevic's campaign of ethnic terror was an affront to the very notion of a civilized Europe at the end of the twentieth century and brought back echoes of World War II and her own family's flight as refugees from Czechoslovakia to Yugoslavia. Albright had a visceral antipathy to Milosevic and had been one of the most vocal advocates for using force against him. " Having built her reputation on an image of toughness, backing down before Milosevic would have been both a personal and professional humiliation.
The State Department had not been alone in blowing it. The Joint Chiefs of Staff, despite whatever reservations they may have later professed, had unanimously agreed to initiate air strikes. The intelligence community, while noting that Milosevic would likely step up counterinsurgency efforts against the KLA, had not predicted that Milosevic would stand firm against an escalating air campaign. " Most of the national security team assumed that since Milosevic had been willing to bargain after military pressure in October of 1998, he would do so again.
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