By Ibrahim Elbadawi, Samir Makdisi
Regardless of impressive socio-economic improvement within the Arab area, a deficit in democracy and political rights has endured to succeed. This ebook examines the main purposes underlying the patience of this democracy deficit over the last many years and touches at the clients for deepening the method of democratization within the Arab global. Contributions from significant students within the sector provide a go state research of monetary improvement, political associations and social elements, and the effect of oil wealth and local wars, and current a version for democracy within the Arab global. Case experiences are drawn from Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Sudan and the Gulf quarter, construction on those cross-country analyses and probing past the model’s major worldwide variables. having a look past the impression of oil and conflicts, the chapters illustrate how particular socio-political heritage of the rustic involved, worry of fundamentalist teams, collusion with overseas powers and overseas interventions, and the co-option of the elites by means of the nation give a contribution to those difficulties of democratization. Situating the democratic place of the Arab international in an international context, this ebook is a vital contribution to the sector of heart japanese politics, improvement reports, and stories on clash and democracy.
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Additional resources for Democracy in the Arab World: Explaining the Deficit (Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics, 27)
Giving freedom to the people could lead to the tyranny of the majority, given the multiple ‘pathologies of Arab civil society’ (Tarabishi, 2006: 16–18). In a supreme irony, speakers in the above debates tended to heap tons of blame on the intellectuals who, it was alleged, ‘failed dismally in performing any democratic role’, or to maintain their independence vis-à-vis the ruling regimes (Corm, in CAUS, 1998: 84). Others were even more scathing, accusing intellectuals of becoming too pro-Western and alienated from the masses, or concerned merely with their individual interests.
Mamdani, 2005: 18) Both versions, however, look at culture, especially Muslim culture, as having ‘no history, no politics, and no debates’. In both, ‘history seems to have petrified into a lifeless custom of an antique people who inhabit antique lands’ (Mamdani, 2005). This position has a political purpose. The message it seeks to send when it argues that the clash of Western powers with Arabs and Muslims is a clash of civilizations rather than a genuine political conflict (Lewis, 1990; Huntington, 1993), is that these people are not worthy of political engagement.
5 28 Abdelwahab El-Affendi However, the overall picture cannot be mistaken. The 2004 Arab Human Development Report (AHDR, 2005), confirms this reading, further noting the convergence of Arab regimes into an authoritarian model it dubs ‘the Black Hole State’, a polity that collapses on itself by concentrating power at the centre, normally in the hands of one person or a small clique, assisted by draconian measures and an overpowering repressive apparatus (AHDR, 2005: ch. 5). In the 2003 report, the AHDR cited empirical evidence from the World Values Survey (WVS) that directly contradicts the Culture Talk explanation of the Arab situation.
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