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By Gina Perez

Within the close to Northwest aspect tale, Gina M. P?rez deals an intimate and unvarnished portrait of Puerto Rican lifestyles in Chicago and San Sebastian, Puerto Rico--two locations hooked up through a protracted background of circulating humans, rules, items, and knowledge. P?rez's masterful mix of heritage and ethnography explores the a number of and gendered purposes for migration, why humans preserve transnational connections with far-off groups, and the way bad and working-class Puerto Ricans paintings to construct significant groups. P?rez lines the altering ways in which Puerto Ricans have skilled poverty, displacement, and discrimination and illustrates how they think and construct prolonged households and dense social networks that hyperlink San Sebastian to barrios in Chicago. She comprises an incisive research of the function of the country in shaping migration via such tasks because the Chardon Plan, Operation Bootstrap, and the Chicago test. The close to Northwest part tale presents a special window at the many recommendations humans use to withstand the unfavourable outcomes of globalization, financial improvement, and gentrification.

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Extra resources for The Near Northwest Side Story: Migration, Displacement, and Puerto Rican Families

Example text

Immigration law structure migrants’ lives. 31 Indeed, on several occasions, Puerto Rican and non– Puerto Rican Latinos—especially those of the middle and upper-middle classes—have asked me to explain to them why Puerto Ricans fare so poorly compared to Mexicans and “even African Americans” in Chicago. 32 While the INS certainly contributes to immigrant exploitability and limits undocumented workers’ economic possibilities, most Latin American immigrants—including Puerto Rican migrants and other legal immigrants—also face other, equally powerful forms of state power that circumscribe their economic, social, and political lives.

Using local newspapers, government documents, in-depth interviews, and kinship and household analysis, it details the migration histories and imaginings of members of twenty-two diVerent households, as they migrate, return, and settle in both communities. In both settings, I relied on multiple and overlapping networks— as a teacher, neighbor, community worker, family member, and eventually a friend—to meet people, most of whom I formally interviewed. In Chicago, my work at Ruiz Belvis was an important entrée into people’s lives and the larger Puerto Rican community.

And I am not sure if that is what they mean by their comments. Clearly, I am not just a yuppie—I’m a Puerto Rican yuppie, as José pointed out. They see me as similar, yet diVerent. My students’ comments that day reminded me of my insider/outsider status, and of the ways in which my class position, education, and cultural capital marked me in very speciWc ways. Once I overcame the shock and embarrassment of being labeled a Puerto Rican yuppie, I started thinking about the diVerent ways in which the Centro and other Puerto Rican institutions tried to emphasize my similarities—a shared ethnic identity—with these students and other youth frequenting the Centro.

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